He is currently the CEO & Managing Director of Equity Bank, Kenya. James holds four Honorary doctorate degrees in recognition of his contributions to the Kenyan society. He holds a Bachelor of Commerce degree and is a Certified Public Accountant. James has been honoured twice with Presidential national awards. He is currently the Chairman of Kenya’s Vision 2030 Delivery Board charged with the responsibility of ensuring Kenya becomes a middle income country with global high standards of living by the year 2030.

James serves on several international bodies as an advisor and sits on the Board of the Africa Leadership Academy in South Africa. James has over 22 years of management experience.

Source: Wikipedia

Kwame Anthony Appiah (born 1954) is a Ghanaian-British-American  philosopher, cultural theorist, and novelistwhose interests include political and moral theory, the philosophy of language and mind, and African intellectual history.

Kwame Anthony Appiah grew up in Ghana and earned a Ph.D. at Cambridge University. He is currently theLaurance S. Rockefeller University Professor of Philosophy at Princeton University. Appiah was born in London to Enid Margaret Appiah, an art historian and writer, and Joe Emmanuel Appiah, a lawyer, diplomat, and politician from the Asante region, once part of the British Gold Coast Colony but now part of Ghana. He was raised in Kumasi, Ghana, and educated at Bryanston School and Clare College, Cambridge, where he earned his BA (First Class) and Ph.D. in philosophy. Appiah has three sisters: Isobel, Adwoa and Abena. As a child, he also spent a good deal of time in England, staying with his grandmother Isobel, the Honourable Lady Cripps, widow of the English statesman the Right Honourable Sir Stafford Cripps.

His family has a long political tradition: his maternal grandfather Sir Stafford was Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer (1947–1950) under Clement Attlee. His own father, Charles Cripps, 1st Baron Parmoor, was the Labour Leader of the House of Lords (1929–1931) under Ramsay MacDonald; Parmoor had been a ConservativeMP before defecting to Labour. Through Professor Appiah’s father, a Nana of the Ashanti people, he is also a direct descendant of Osei Tutu, the warrior emperor of pre-colonial Ghana whose reigning successor, the Asantehene, is a distant relative of the Appiah family. Appiah has taught philosophy and African-American studies at the University of Ghana, Drexel, Cornell, Yale, Harvard, and Princeton Universities from 1981 to 1986. He is currently Laurance S. Rockefeller University Professor of Philosophy at Princeton (with a cross-appointment at the University Center for Human Values) and was serving as the Bacon-Kilkenny Professor of Law at Fordham University in the fall of 2008.

Appiah also served on the board of PEN American Center and was on a panel of judges for the PEN/Newman’s Own First Amendment Award. He has taught at Yale, Cornell, Duke, and Harvard universities and lectured at many other institutions in the US, Germany, Ghana and South Africa, and Paris. He lives with his partner, Henry Finder, in an apartment in Chelsea, Manhattan and a home in Pennington, New Jersey. His Cambridge dissertation explored the foundations of probabilistic semantics. In 1992, Appiah published In My Father’s House, which won the Herskovitz Prize for African Studies in English. Among his later books are Colour Conscious (with Amy Gutmann), The Ethics of Identity (2005), and Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers (2006). He has been a close collaborator with Henry Louis Gates Jr., together with whom he is an editor for The New Yorker Magazine. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1995. In 2008, Appiah published Experiments in Ethics, in which he reviews the relevance of empirical research to ethical theory.

In 2008, Appiah was recognized for his contributions to racial, ethnic, and religious relations when Brandeis University awarded him the first Joseph B. and Toby Glitter Prize. Until the fall of 2009, he served as a trustee of Ashesi University College in Accra, Ghana. Here, Appiah conducts his Socratic interrogations in the language and style of analytical philosophy. Appiah was the 2009 finalist in the arts and humanities for the Eugene R. Gannon Award for the Continued Pursuit of Human Advancement. His first novel, Avenging Angel, set at the University of Cambridge, involved a murder among the Cambridge Apostles, Sir Patrick Scott is the detective in the novel . His second and third novels are Nobody Likes Letitia and Another Death in Venice. The selections “Making Conversation” and “The Primacy of Practice” are the introduction in Cosmopolitanism. In 2010, he was named by Foreign Policy magazine to its list of top global thinkers.

Ideas

Appiah argues that the formative denotation of culture is ultimately preceded by the efficacy of intellectual interchange. From this position, his views on the efficacy of organizations such as UNICEF and Oxfam are notable for their duality: on the one hand he seems to appreciate the immediate action these organizations provide while on the other hand he points out the long-term futility of such intervention.

His focus is, instead, on the long-term political and economic development of nations according to the Western capitalist/ democratic model, an approach that relies on continued growth in the “marketplace” that is the capital-driven modern world. In “Under Western Eyes, Revisited,” Chandra Talpade Mohanty refers to this as the colonization of corporate globalization, something that is Eurocentric and which presumes that capitalism is or should be universally valued as a way of life and modernity.

However, when capitalism is introduced and it does not “take off” as in the Western world, the livelihood of the peoples involved is at stake. Thus, the ethical questions involved are certainly complex, yet the general impression in Appiah’s “Kindness to Strangers” is one which implies that it is not up to “us” to save the poor and starving, but up to their own governments. Nation-states must assume responsibility for their citizens, and a cosmopolitan’s role is to appeal to “our own” government to ensure that these nation-states respect, provide for, and protect their citizens.

If they will not, “we” are obliged to change their minds; if they cannot, “we” are obliged to provide assistance, but only our “fair share,” that is, not at the expense of our own comfort, or the comfort of those “nearest and dearest” to us. Appiah’s early philosophical work dealt with probabilistic semantics and theories of meaning, but his more recent books have tackled philosophical problems of raceand racism, identity, and moral theory.

His current work tackles three major areas: 1. the philosophical foundations of liberalism; 2. the questioning of methods in arriving at knowledge about values; and 3. the connections between theory and practice in moral life. Which all of these concepts can also be found in his book Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. Appiah has been a critic of contemporary theories of Afrocentrism.

In his essay “Europe Upside Down: Fallacies of the New Afrocentrism,” Appiah argues that current Afrocentricism is striking for “how thoroughly at home it is in the frameworks of nineteenth century European thought,” particularly as a mirror image to Eurocentric constructions of race and a preoccupation with the ancient world. Appiah also finds an irony in the conception that if the source of the West lies inancient Egypt via Greece, then “its legacy of ethnocentrism is presumably one of our moral liabilities.” 

Appiah’s critique of contemporary Afrocentrism has been strongly criticized by some of its leading proponents, such as Temple University African American Studies scholar and activist Molefi Asante, who has characterized Appiah’s work as “anti-African.”

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	Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers (Issues of Our Time) :: Amazon "A brilliant and humane philosophy for our confused age."-Samantha Power, author of A Problem from Hell Kwame Anthony Appiah's landmark new
	In My Father's House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture :: Amazon The beating of Rodney King and the resulting riots in South Central Los Angeles. The violent clash between Hasidim and African-Americans in
	African Philosophy: New and Traditional Perspectives :: Amazon In the last two decades the idea of African Philosophy has undergone significant change and scrutiny. Some critics have maintained that the

Surrounded by the images of war, she realized that “if any changes were to be made in society it had to be by the mothers”.^[4] She is a mother of six.In 2002, Leymah Gbowee was a social worker who organized the Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace. The peace movement started with local women praying and singing in a fish market.  She organized theChristian and Muslim women of Monrovia, Liberia to pray for peace and to hold nonviolence protests. Thousands of women mobilized their efforts, staged protests that included a sex strike and the threat of a curse.

They forced a meeting with President Charles Taylor and extracted a promise from him to attend peace talks in Ghana to negotiate with the rebels from Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy. Gbowee then led a delegation of Liberian women to Ghana to continue to apply pressure on the warring factions during the peace process. They staged a silent protest outside the Presidential Palace, Accra, bringing about an agreement during the stalled peace talks.

Leymah Gbowee and Comfort Freeman, presidents of two different Lutheran churches, organized the Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET), and issued a statement of intent to the President: “In the past we were silent, but after being killed, raped, dehumanized, and infected with diseases, and watching our children and families destroyed, war has taught us that the future lies in saying NO to violence and YES to peace! We will not relent until peace prevails.” Their movement brought an end to the Second Liberian Civil War in 2003 and led to the election of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in Liberia, the first African nation with a female president. Gbowee later endorsed Sirleaf in the2011 election.

Leymah Gbowee is the central character in the 2008 documentary film Pray the Devil Back to Hell. The film has been used as an advocacy tool in post-conflict zones like Sudan and Zimbabwe, mobilizing African women to petition for peace and security.

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This Child Will Be Great: Memoir of a Remarkable Life by Africa's First Woman President :: Amazon In January 2006, after the Republic of Liberia had been racked by fourteen years of brutal civil conflict, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf-Africa's "I

A two-time African Championships gold medallist over 400 m, she has also won titles in the event at the 2007 All-Africa Games, the 2010 IAAF Continental Cup and the2010 Commonwealth Games. Her Commonwealth win made her Botswana’s first ever gold medallist of the games.

Her personal best times are 11.60 seconds in the 100 m, 22.94 seconds in the 200 metres and 49.56 seconds in the 400 m. She trains at the High Performance Training Centre in Dakar, Senegal. She holds the national record for the 400 m both indoors and outdoors.

She has competed at the 2004 Olympic Games, the 2006 Commonwealth Games and the World Championships in 2005 and 2007 without reaching the finals.

She won the silver medal at the 2006 African Championships and the gold medal at the 2007 All-Africa Games. At the All-Africa Games she also finished fifth in the 200 metres.^[1] At the 2006 IAAF World Cup she finished sixth with the African 4×400 metres relay team. She ran a personal best and Botswanan record of 49.83 seconds to win at the 2008 African Championships in Athletics. It remains the Championship record for the event.

She ran at the 2008 IAAF World Indoor Championships but did not reach the final after a poor showing in the semifinal. Montsho reached her first world final at the 2008 Beijing Olympics, but her time of 51.18 left her in last position. The following year, she ran 49.89 in the semifinals at the 2009 World Championships in Athletics which was enough to make the final round of the 400 m. She ran slower in the final than she did in the semis and finished last as a result. She ended the year with a fifth place finish at the 2009 IAAF World Athletics Final.

The 2010 season brought her a series of major titles: she came close to the podium at the 2010 IAAF World Indoor Championships: having set indoor national records in the heats and semi-finals, she was beaten to the bronze medal by Vania Stambolova. She opened her outdoor season with her third fastest ever 400 m run, winning theGabriel Tiacoh meet in a time of 50.35 seconds – almost two seconds ahead of her training partner Ndeye Fatou Soumah who was next to finish. She defended her continental title by winning the 400 m at the 2010 African Championships in Athletics with a season’s best run of 50.03 seconds.

On the 2010 Diamond League circuit she won at the Bislett Games and was ranked second overall in the 400 m behind Allyson Felix. Montsho ran her fastest time of the year at the 2010 Continental Cup where, representing Africa, she beat Debbie Dunn to win the gold medal in 49.89 seconds. She extended her season further to compete at the 2010 Commonwealth Games. There she became Botswana’s first ever gold medallist at the Games by winning the 400 m with a Games record time of 50.10 seconds. She then helped the Botswana team to the 4×400 m relay final, but they finished in seventh place.

Musyoki went to Unyuani Primary School until 1999, after which he joined Kyeni Academy, Misiani. He started running in 2001.^[3] He competed at the 2006 IAAF World Road Running Championships and finished in 26th place.

He finished second at the 2007 Ras Al Khaimah Half Marathon by running 59:13 minutes, being beaten only by Samuel Wanjiru who set the then world record (58:53) at the same race.  He won silver at the 2007 IAAF World Road Running Championships and 2008 IAAF World Half Marathon Championships. He was also part of the Kenyan team that won the team race both times. 

He won at the City-Pier-City Loop in 2008. Musyoki won the 2009 Ras Al Khaimah Half Marathon setting the second best ever Half marathon time 58:52. The world record at the time, 58:33, was held by Samuel Wanjiru. He made his marathon debut at the 2009 Rotterdam Marathon, finishing fourth and setting a fast time (2:06:14 hours), short of the fastest marathon debut, set by Evans Rutto at the 2003 Chicago Marathon (2:05:50 hours).

Makau returned to the Hague for the City-Pier-City Loop in 2010 and won for a second time, clocking another sub-one hour time of 59:52. After this he significantly improved his marathon best to 2:04:48 to win the Rotterdam Marathon, becoming the fourth fastest runner over the history of the distance. He opted to stay away from the circuit and focus himself entirely on preparations for the Berlin Marathon.  A rematch with Rotterdam runner-up Geoffrey Mutai saw the two take the same positions again. Rain dampened the prospect of a record but Makau out-sprinted Mutai at the finish to clock 2:05:08 and win his first World Marathon Major. In recognition of his performances that year, he was selected as the AIMS World Athlete of the Year in a poll of race organisers.

Makau ran in the 2011 London Marathon and, in spite of a fall at the half way point, he continued and was narrowly beaten into third at the line by Martin Lel, finishing with a time of 2:05:45.

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Brenda Fassie

Brenda was born in Langa, Cape Town as the youngest of nine children. She was named after Brenda Lee, an American country singer. Her father died when she was 2, and with the help of her mother, a pianist, she started earning money by singing for tourists.

In 1981, at the age of 16, she left Cape Town for Soweto, Johannesburg to seek her fortune as a singer. Brenda first joined the group Joy and later became the lead singer for the township pop group Brenda And The Big Dudes. She had a son, Bongani, in 1985 by a fellow Big Dudes musician. Brenda married ex-convict Nhlanhla Mbambo in 1989 but divorced in 1991. Around this time she became addicted to cocaine and her career suffered.

With very outspoken views and frequent visits to the poorer townships of Johannesburg, as well as songs about life in the townships, she enjoyed tremendous popularity. Known best for her songs “Weekend Special” and “Too Late for Mama”, she was dubbed “The Madonna of the Townships” by Time in 2001.

In 1995 she was discovered in a hotel with the body of her lover, Poppie Sihlahla, who had died of an apparent overdose. Fassie underwent rehabilitation and got her career back on track.However, she still had drug problems and returned to drug rehabilitation clinics about 30 times in her life.

From 1996 she released several solo albums such as Now Is The Time, Memeza (1997, the best-selling album in South Africa in 1998) and Nomakanjani?. Most of her albums became multi-platinum sellers in South Africa.

On the morning of 26 April 2004, Brenda collapsed at her home in Buccleuch and was admitted into the Sunninghill hospital in Johannesburg. The press were told that she had suffered cardiac arrest but later reported that she had slipped into a coma brought on by an asthma attack. The post-mortem report revealed that she had taken an overdose of cocaine in the night of her collapse, and this was the cause of her coma. She stopped breathing and suffered brain damage from lack of oxygen. Fassie was visited in the hospital by Nelson Mandela,Winnie Mandela, and Thabo Mbeki, and her condition was front-page news in South African papers.Brenda died at age 39 on 9 May 2004 in hospital without returning to consciousness after her life support machines were turned off.

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WfG3JxU0B28

She was voted 17th in the Top 100 Great South Africans.

Her son Bongani ‘Bongz’ Fassie performed on the soundtrack to the 2005 Academy Award-winning movie Tsotsi. He dedicated his song “I’m So Sorry” to his mother.

Source: Wiki

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I5BaYtE34J4

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HDtX0gyL0Vw

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A-zSP9-yx1Q

The website

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	Education in Sierra Leone: Present Challenges, Future Opportunities (Africa Human Development Series) :: Amazon Aimed at policymakers and practitioners, this book uses the latest census and survey data to reveal the abiding costs of education to indivi

Besigye, the second child in a family of six, attended primary school at Kinyasano Primary school and Mbarara Junior School. While at primary school, both his parents died. He did his O-levels at Kitante High School and A-levels at Kigezi High School. In 1975 he joined Makerere University School of Medicine and graduated in 1980 with a Medical degree (MBChB).

After leaving a medical job in Aga Khan Hospital in Nairobi, he underwent military training and joined the 1980-1986 National Resistance Army (NRA) guerilla rebellion against Milton Obote’s government. He was responsible for the guerillas’ health and particularly attended to the Chairman, Yoweri Museveni.

When Yoweri Museveni became president in 1986, Besigye, then aged 29, was appointed Minister of State for Internal Affairs. In 1988, he was appointed Minister of State in the President’s office and National Political Commissar. In 1991, he became Commanding Officer of the Mechanized Regiment in Masaka, and in 1993 he became Chief of Logistics and Engineering. Before his retirement from the army shortly before the 2001 elections, Besigye had risen to the rank of colonel and was a Senior Military Adviser to the Ministry of Defence.

In 1998, Besigye married Hon. Winnie Byanyima, a former Member of Parliament for Mbarara Municipality and the first female aeronautics engineer in Uganda. Museveni at his youthful stage used to live with the Byanyima family in the 1960s. A boy, Anselm Besigye, was born to Kizza Besigye and Winnie Byanyima in September 1999.

2001 Elections

Prior the 2001 presidential elections, Besigye had become an opponent of Museveni’s National Resistance Movement “no-party” system of government, saying that he believed the leadership was “incorrigibly off course”, and that “someone had to step in and get things back on course”. He advocated for the “Movement System to be viewed as, and to remain a transitional arrangement, rather than entrench it as an alternative political system”.

Besigye, viewed as the only viable challenger to Museveni, was one of six candidates, during a campaign that contained much recrimination and bitterness. The other four candidates were; Aggrey Awori, Francis Bwengye, Karuhanga Chapaa and Kibirige Mayanja.

Museveni won the presidential elections by a substantial majority, and incidents of violence occurred following the announcement of the results. On March 23, 2001, Besigye contested the election results in the Supreme Court of Uganda, citing massive rigging and electoral violence by Museveni, but narrowly lost his petition to have the election results nullified. The Supreme Court ruled 5-0 that there was widespread cheating but ruled 3-2 against nullifying the results.

On June 30, 2001, Besigye was brutally arrested and detained and questioned by the police, allegedly in connection with the offense of treason. In September he fled to the United States for his life that was under threat.

Return from exile and arrest

On October 26, 2005, Besigye returned to Uganda from South Africa, where he had been living. Tens of thousands of his supporters lined the streets from Entebbe International Airport to the capital, Kampala. Besigye’s return was in his words “made more precipitate” by the fact that he had to register as a voter before the voter registration deadline in order to be a candidate for the 2006 elections.

Besigye was arrested on November 14, 2005, accused of treason, concealment of treason and rape. The case of treason included his alleged links to the rebel groups, Lord’s Resistance Army and People’s Redemption Army, and the rape charge referred to an alleged incident in November 1997 involving the daughter of a friend. The arrest led to demonstrations and riots in Kampala and towns around the country. The protesters believed the charges were designed to stop Besigye from challenging the president in 2006 elections.

Besigye’s arrest evoked international concern, as well as criticism from local press, including the state owned New Vision.The government later banned all public rallies, demonstrations, assemblies or seminars related to the trial of Besigye. On November 23, the Minister of State for Information, James Nsaba Buturo announced that talk shows and media debates on Besigye’s trial were banned, and media houses that did not heed the ban would have their licences revoked. Baturo said that, “Revocation of the licence is something I am very eager to do”.

On November 25, Besigye was granted bail by the High Court, but was sent back to prison because of outstanding military charges facing him at an army Court-martial.  The military Court-martial defended his continued detention saying Besigye could escape from the country if released on bail.On January 2, 2006 he was released from prison after the High Court ordered his immediate release.On January 31, 2005, the Constitutional Court ruled on a complaint brought by the Uganda Law Society, stating the Besigye could not be tried for terrorism.

On February 1, Ugandan jurors in the rape trial recommended Besigye’s acquittal, saying the prosecution had failed to prove its case. Under Ugandan law, the jurors advise the judge but their recommendation is not binding.On March 7, 2006, the court cleared Besigye of the rape charge, with Judge John Bosco Katutsi stating, “The state has dismally failed to prove its case against the accused.” Testimony given in court indicated that President Museveni had personally instructed the police to investigate the case. Besigye is still accused of treason, and the Ugandan army is appealing the dismissal of their prosecution on terrorism and weapons charges.

February 2011 Elections

Besigye for the third time in a row lost to his main challenger, the incumbent Yoweri Museveni with a terrible decline from previous polls,failing to win in a single region. Though lauded as one of the most free and fair elections in Ugandan history, Besigye claimed that his challenger used intimidation and rigging to win a fourth term in office.

Following his dismal performance in the 2011 presidential elections, Besigye directed his party members elected to the 9th parliament to boycott it. This was rejected outrightly by the newly elected MPs, claiming that the election victory was out of their personal effort and not Besigye’s or the Party. There are other internal wrangles about succession and unfair allocation of key positions in the party.

Ouattara was the unelected Prime Minister of Côte d’Ivoire from November 1990 to December 1993; under the national constitution in effect at that time, he was appointed to the post by the late President Félix Houphouët-Boigny. A technocrat, Ouattara trained as an economist and worked for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO).

Ouattara was born on January 1, 1942, in Dimbokro, Côte d’Ivoire, French West Africa. He received a bachelor’s of science degree in 1965 from the Drexel Institute of Technology, which is now called Drexel University, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.Ouattara then obtained both his master’s degree in economics in 1967 and a doctorate in economics in 1972 from the University of Pennsylvania.

He was an economist for the International Monetary Fund in Washington, D.C.^[2] from 1968 to 1973, and afterwards he was the BCEAO’s Chargé de Mission in Paris from 1973 to 1975.With the BCEAO, he was then Special Advisor to the Governor and Director of Research from February 1975 to December 1982 and Vice Governor from January 1983 to October 1984. From November 1984 to October 1988 he was Director of the African Department at the IMF, and in May 1987 he additionally became Counsellor to the Managing Director at the IMF. On October 28, 1988 he was appointed as Governor of the BCEAO, and he was sworn in on December 22, 1988.

In April 1990, Ivorian President Félix Houphouët-Boigny appointed Ouattara as Chairman of the Interministerial Committee for Coordination of the Stabilization and Economic Recovery Programme of Côte d’Ivoire; while holding that position, Ouattara also remained in his post as BCEAO Governor. He subsequently became Prime Minister of Côte d’Ivoire on November 7, 1990,after which Charles Konan Banny replaced him as Interim BCEAO Governor.

While serving as Prime Minister, Ouattara also carried out presidential duties for a total of 18 months, including the period from March 1993 to December 1993, when Houphouët-Boigny was ill.Houphouët-Boigny died on December 7, 1993, and Ouattara announced his death to the nation, saying that “Côte d’Ivoire is orphaned”. A brief power struggle ensued between Ouattara and Henri Konan Bédié, the President of the National Assembly, over the presidential succession; Bédié prevailed and Ouattara resigned as Prime Minister on December 9. Ouattara then returned to the IMF as Deputy Managing Director, holding that post from July 1, 1994, to July 31, 1999.

In the 2010 presidential election, Ouattara ran against incumbent Laurent Gbagbo. Ggagbo, whose mandate had expired in 2005, had delayed the election several times. The Electoral Commission of Côte d’Ivoire missed the deadline for declaring the results as papers were snatched from an official who was about to read the results on live TV. Later on, on December 2, 2010, the Independent Electoral Commission of Côte d’Ivoire (CEI) declared Alassane Ouattara winner of the second round of the presidential election. However, the Constitutional Council called this illegal because it was no longer in the hands of the Commission to give results. The Constitutional Council promised to finish its process and come out with results. The Constitutional Council has the final word on the outcome of elections. The head of the Constitutional Council then invalidated 500,000 votes from pro-Ouattara regions (which constituted almost 10% of the total vote), and thus, declared Ggabo as the winner. The United Nations, which according a 2007 peace deal is required to certify elections results, rejected the Constitutional Council’s figures.

The army closed the borders and foreign news organizations were banned from broadcasting from within Côte d’Ivoire. Mr Gbagbo was sworn in at a midday ceremony by the President of the Constitutional Council on Saturday December 4, 2010. Hours later, Ouattara said he had also taken the presidential oath. The African Union, the European Union, ECOWAS, the United Nations, the United States, and France were among the nations and international organizations that rejected Gbagbo’s presidency. The International Monetary Fund stated they would only work with a government recognized by the United Nations,which was assigned the duty of certifying presidential results as part of a 2007 peace deal. On 8 December, the United Nations Security Council formally recognized Ouattara as the winner, and, in a statement, asked “all stakeholders to respect the outcome of the election.”